In this eighteen-part series, we will try to address the areas that relate to the communities concerned from an indigenous perspective, and explore the contemporary relationships of indigenous citizens with the Government of India.

This is the sixteenth article in the series of tribal communities on the peninsula of India.

The class status of individuals determines whether they are well educated, and this category status is intricately linked to hierarchies and tribal classes, an important conclusion for India.

Many tribal-controlled areas in India, if all with the same teachers, run schools, which often bear the additional burden of managing a midday meal plan for students, as well as teaching students from grades 1 to 5.

Higher education institutions Out of fiction for the residents of these areas, given the financial constraints and the lack of secondary schools.

The problem of access to education is a common factor cited for underdevelopment in any region, especially in tribal-controlled areas, and to propose access to quality educational institutions, often called a silver bullet. Considered a solution. For all the prevailing problems.

As the disclaimer notes, this article does not suggest not creating good educational institutions.

Instead, it calls for criticizing the simple understanding that access to educational institutions will automatically shift to empowering tribes.

Educational institutions are intensive sites not only to reproduce the class-based hierarchy, but for the Gramsci period, to produce conflicting awareness against the dominance of the classes.

Access to such institutions, while important, is only a step towards empowerment that must be complemented by the social and economic support of tribes in these institutions and a strong deterrent mechanism against discriminatory practices of any kind.

However, to understand the system of support required for tribes in educational institutions, it is necessary to understand their position within these places.

In modern times, most students in schools or colleges are either first or second generation, or at best, third-generation learners.

Perhaps a decade ago, Toby would be an educated second-generation.

First-generation tribal learners, many of whom are sent to urban and semi-urban settings by their naughty parents in the hope of better education, find themselves struggling among culturally disparate crowds.

Historically, tribes have not been integrated into the hierarchy of Hindu society, therefore, rarely within tribal classes and special influences (tribes) have been influenced internally among tribal communities as inferior. And.

However, educational institutions have recently become a prominent place for hostile integration into the tribal class of tribes, where tribal culture is often derided as a “primitive primitive culture” and non-tribal culture is expected to be a modernist criterion.

When people wear different hats on different occasions, many tribes are unable to bridge the gap between a traditional home and a ‘modern’ school, and this is often the case through tribal ideas that their perceived inferiority creates a sense of guilt towards the cultural situation.

Completing their parents in an urban setting gives a glimpse into stories that are often heard about uneasiness or discomfort among young indigenous students.

Recently, a growing middle class society, which mostly performs government jobs, came to tribal urban areas.

Among many of these tribal families, working family members face similar pressures to form themselves in a class environment and absorb the matrix of judging others on the basis of income, class and caste.

However, the effects of these cultural adjustments are largely borne by children in families who are under extreme pressure to meet their parents’ expectations, whose decisions are not solely dependent on student performance. But on their relative performance of other students.

In colleges, where the environment is more dynamic, tribal students often queue for merit and booking questions.

Colleagues and professors, who often belong to the so-called upper classes, constantly question the qualifications of indigenous students, and understand them as unequal or undesirable from the common spaces that have been filled; Deliberate by professors.

The sound will be most heard – or you should go through a reservation here “or so you don’t have to study, you have a reservation anyway.”

On the other hand, many college-taught tribes, which repeatedly refer to their inferior status, develop an awareness against “conservatism.”

The idea associated with the reservation, then, is “unworthy”, and in the desire to prove they are qualified, some tribes try to compete for unallocated seats and often take pride in qualifying as a candidate.

But they expect only a divisive structure of power, ignoring the social and economic realities behind the reservation.

Other tribal students often explain their inferiority status, recognizing that their performance will not meet non-tribal standards.

In both cases, the class-based structure determines the tribal reactions, either in favor of the upper class communities.

The above-mentioned tribal status within the space of educational institutions is not, in a few words, a comprehensive description of all tribal experiences, but rather an attempt to determine the systematic involvement of tribes and their reactions within educational fields.

However, to say that tribes do not have an agency, or to fully attribute structures to each act, would be a stark simplification of the complex dialectical interaction between tribes and the world around them.

For example, among college communities, where hierarchies based on social class are often seen, counter-mobilization is often seen as tribal groups and associations that refuse to adhere to the status quo.

Tribes in such places are not in a special dialogue with sectarian rhetoric, but are involved in the tribal rhetoric of the national struggle against displacement and human rights violations, calling for cultural embrace, thus creating their own consciousness evolve, not only in response to class structures.

As mentioned earlier, educational spaces are a dense site for the reproduction of power structures and power struggles, and any step towards supporting tribes should be recognized.

A comprehensive support system will necessarily engage in cultural differences between tribes, with a more comprehensive and diverse staff team and a stronger mechanism to prevent any form of discriminatory practices.