The final list of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam is as scheduled, and all indications are that it caused serious chaos.

More than 19 state residents have failed to reach the list, meaning they will now have to fight cases in foreign courts to prove they are Indian citizens.

The report after a report from Assam’s Land tells the same story: the story of the poor of Hindu, Muslim, Bengali, Georgian and tribal communities who did not put it on the record.

There are countless reports of families that parents have made on the list, but the children did not bring them, or the husband listed them, but the wife did not make them.

The total cost of the giant NRC exercise until December last year was Rs 1,220 crore. Therefore, the final cost of practicing Indian taxpayer will be more.

More than 52,000 government employees in the state served on this list for four years beginning in 2015. The process was overseen by a Supreme Court judge headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi.

It was the full support of the Government of Assam and the Government of India.

She was backed by Interior Minister Amit Shah and promised during Lok Sabha’s 2019 campaign that if elected, the party would implement the National Human Rights Council nationwide.

Former Assam’s Prime Minister Tarun Gogoi tried to claim the NRC, saying, “The NRC is my mind.

There was no such request in the state, there was nothing in the Assam agreement on the establishment of the Norwegian Refugee Council.”

Now that the list is out, everyone is suddenly “anti-NSC”. “I have lost all hope in the Norwegian Refugee Council.

Samujal Bhattacharya, a 55-year-old student who is still the leader of the All Assam Student Union, also expressed dismay at the NRC result.

AASU, which led the Assam movement, culminated in the 1985 Assam agreement between the leaders of the then Student Union and representatives of the Congressional government led by Rajiv Gandhi, expressed disappointment in the list and decided to return.

The Supreme Court seeks “remedial measures”. Their question is that the 19 you excluded is too low; they want to exclude more people.

The premise of claiming that the number of exclusions should be higher is a lie in the statements and allegations that India was superior to Bangladeshis decades ago.

So this claim has been repeated for too long that it has become a material of faith for multiple people. Party leaders reiterated the allegations in parliament.

In 1997, Indrajit Gupta, a veteran communist leader and interior minister in India, estimated the number of Bangladeshi migrants in the country at 10 million or 10 million.

In 2004, Congress introduced Sriprakash Jaiswal, as Secretary of State for Home Affairs. Number 12 million across India.

As the governor of Assam, Lieutenant-General (retired SS Sinha), in an impressive report, emphasized that there is no “census report”, on which we can accurately determine the contexts of cross-border movement and said “therefore.

We have” a wide range of additional expectations Dramatic for determining the dimension of illegal migration from eastern Pakistan / Bangladesh. Trust Umanon.

”He did not retreat from making“ exciting additions ”and retained 75 Hindu people in Bangladesh on the basis of a low Hindu population.

The fact of the matter is that even this NRC no one has ever tried to count. This was actually the first attempt to find out how many illegal immigrants were in any state in India.

The Sinha registers, which Sinha expressed wrongly regrettably absent, indicated that Assam had registered a population growth rate of 20.90 per cent between 1971 and 2011, 21.94 per cent below the average of all India and the north-east. It was the lowest ever in India.

A Delhi-based research institution, according to the analysis of the census record by Suhas Chakma of the Rights and Risk Analysis Group.

It is therefore possible that the expectation of millions of illegal Bangladeshis in Assam would be based on the wrong grounds.

While the 4,156-kilometer India-Bangladesh border is porous along its length, it is not necessarily Bangladesh still settling in Assam in large numbers.

He is seen everywhere, and many people see his presence every time they see a poor Bangladeshi man.

The beard and skull on such a person are taken as clear evidence that the person concerned is from Bangladesh. This is clearly a distinction, and does not distinguish Assamese pupils as such. They expand further into discrimination.

The religion and class of Bangladesh, which means that all Bengal of East Bengal origin, do not have standards for them.

The net result of this paranoia is now evident in the upheavals that originated from the Norwegian Refugee Council, where every unhappy group, all unsafe, and a state and land returned to peace and progress after decades of unrest.

Now once stared, into a future of greater non- Certainly, he is forced to despair ordinary people from trying to put two categories of food in the dish on the strength of some kind of hard work.

Many of these people cannot understand why their names are not on the list and what they can do. The legal process says they have to appeal to the Aliens Court, but it costs you money to fight the case.

The minimum cost of appeal to the Aliens Court is Rs 50,000, which does not include the cost of traveling around lawyers and courts for several days and loss of profits. This exceeds the potential of the poor, many of whom have daily wages.

Nor is it certain that his name at the Norwegian Refugee Council will end slow torture; even people named in the NRC can find themselves in the Aliens Court because the two operations are independent of each other.

In fact, many people deceived themselves before the courts of foreigners several times. They are acquitted by only one court to receive notice from another court.